MALAIKA MAHLATSI | SA is no different from other African states as we teeter closer to the edge of a failed state

I recently had a conversation with a close friend, who, referring to the instability in Cameroon, made a problematic statement about civil wars “in those African countries”.

The issue was not so much in referring to civil wars wreaking havoc across the continent, from Sudan to the Democratic Republic of Congo and beyond, but in referring to African countries in relation to SA.

By using the term “those African countries”, he was speaking as if SA is not connected to the rest of the continent. It is a clear definition and delineation of us and “them” – with “them” being inferior and confronted by challenges that are not similar to those that confront our more superior selves.

This problematic language is not uncommon. Many South Africans, including members of the media, often refer to other countries on the continent as though they are in a parallel universe to our own – as though SA is not part of the continent.

This is an expression of South African exceptionalism – the idea that SA is unique and superior to other nations, particularly on the African continent, in terms of its political and economic systems. The idea originated from early 20th-century British colonial thinking.

It was first articulated by British colonial officials such as Lord Alfred Milner in the early 1900s. Milner, a colonial administrator, served as the governor of the Cape Colony and high commissioner of SA from 1897 to 1905. He was an instrumental figure in the the South African War, which was fought between two settler groups (the British and the two Boer republics of the Orange Free State and the Transvaal).

Milner saw SA’s unique geography, self-governing status within the British Commonwealth and economic structure as distinct from the rest of Africa. Since then, it has become a commonly accepted narrative that SA is unique and superior to other African countries.

The narrative strengthened after 1994 with our “successful” and stable transition from apartheid to democracy, which was characterised by tolerance and “reconciliation”, and which was seen as a testament to this exceptionalism. 

Our embrace of liberal democracy, anchored in a constitution that is often celebrated as the best in the world, was often used as an example of how advanced and more “civilised” SA is. Our model of political and economic organisation was touted as an example that other African countries had to follow.

The postcolonial era presented big challenges for African countries, and to this day, they are still living with the consequences of colonialism. Cameroon, about which my friend and I were speaking, is a clear example. The country is divided along geographic, political and cultural colonial lines, with the western region that is now experiencing civil war deemed anglophone and the rest of the country labelled francophone.

The implications of this divide – dating from the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 when European powers carved up the continent in their Scramble for Africa – are devastating and have plunged the country into chaos. But Cameroon is not unique in this. Colonial identities continue to divide and cripple many African countries.

While SA might not be in the throes of civil war, anyone who deems the country stable is dishonest. Our country has all the hallmarks of failure – a stagnant economy, the erosion of the rule of law, racialised poverty, structural inequalities, a collapsing state and failing public institutions that are becoming incapable of providing even the most basic of services.

Perhaps more concerning is our descent into what is effectively a mafia state – where the government is tied to organised crime and the state officials, the criminal justice system and law enforcement agencies and/or the military become a part of the criminal enterprise.

While some want to insist on maintaining the illusion of exceptionalism, the reality is that SA is no different from any other African state.

We, too, are battling with the demon of colonialism and are teetering close to the edge of collapse. We must rid ourselves of thinking that we are exceptional – it is misguided, unhelpful and dangerous.