OPINION | Brics currency talks highlight geopolitical power shift

African nations weigh risks amid calls for economic independence

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Malusi Mncube

The presidents of Brazil, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva; China, Xi Jinping; and South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa, with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russia's foreign minister Sergei Lavrov, pose for a 'Brics family photo' during the recent summit in Sandton.
The presidents of Brazil, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva; China, Xi Jinping; and South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa, with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russia's foreign minister Sergei Lavrov, pose for a 'Brics family photo' during the recent summit in Sandton. Picture: (GIANLUIGI GUERCIA/Pool via REUTERS)

The global debate surrounding the proposed Brics gold-backed trade currency has largely been framed as a technical monetary issue.

Is it feasible? Will it challenge the dollar? Can it be implemented? These questions, however, miss the deeper transformation underway in the international system.

What is unfolding is not merely a currency conversation. It is a sovereignty crisis.

Across the Global South, a growing number of states are arriving at a sobering realisation: participation in the global economy no longer guarantees political security. Sovereignty, once presumed inviolable under international law, has become conditional.

The modern international order was built on the assumption that economic integration produced stability. Trade would bind states together. Financial interdependence would discourage conflict. Institutions would mediate disputes.

Yet, the last two decades have revealed a different reality. Integration has not eliminated coercion; it has refined it.

Sanctions, asset seizures, payment-system exclusions and diplomatic isolation have emerged as instruments of enforcement. Finance has become geopolitics by other means.

The first dramatic warning came from Venezuela.

After pursuing independent energy pricing strategies and deepening partnerships outside Western financial institutions, Venezuela found itself subjected to one of the most extensive sanctions regimes in modern history.

Billions in sovereign assets were frozen. Access to international finance was severed. The legitimacy of the state itself became contested across diplomatic forums.

Whatever one’s view of Venezuela’s internal politics, the precedent was unmistakable: economic autonomy could trigger systemic punishment.

This logic has since expanded.

Iran has faced sustained economic containment. Russia’s foreign reserves were frozen in 2022, an unprecedented act that shattered the assumption that central bank assets were untouchable. China faces technological decoupling and strategic containment. Across the Middle East and Asia, military rhetoric accompanies economic pressure.

From this perspective, Brics is not emerging in a vacuum. It is emerging in response.

Africa’s survival in the emerging multipolar order depends on regional cohesion, institutional density, and economic interdependence.

—  Malusi Mncube

The proposed gold-backed trade settlement mechanism must therefore be understood as an attempt to reduce exposure to a system perceived as politicised. Whether or not the currency succeeds is almost secondary. Its mere discussion reflects a breakdown of trust.

Trust, once lost, rarely returns quickly.

The core issue is not opposition to the US or the West as such. It is opposition to uncertainty. When reserve assets can be frozen, when payment systems can be weaponised and when trade access becomes contingent on political alignment, states begin to hedge.

De-dollarisation, in this sense, is not rebellion. It is insurance.

Yet this is where the danger lies.

Membership in alternative blocs does not confer immunity. Smaller states cannot assume that association with Brics automatically provides protection. Even major powers such as Russia and China operate primarily according to national survival imperatives. They are not collective security providers.

This exposes a difficult truth: in the current system, sovereignty without protection is fragile.

Libya remains a haunting reminder.

Muammar Gaddafi’s push for a gold-backed African dinar and independent continental financial architecture was framed as economic emancipation. What followed — regime collapse, state fragmentation and prolonged instability — remains etched into African political memory.

Whether directly linked or not, the lesson absorbed across the continent was unmistakable: challenging financial hierarchy carries existential risk.

Africa today faces a similar crossroads.

Competing powers are courting the continent. It is encouraged to diversify partnerships, trade in local currencies, join new institutions and assert autonomy. Yet, it does so within a system that has repeatedly demonstrated its willingness to punish deviation.

This contradiction defines Africa’s strategic dilemma.

True sovereignty is not declared. It is defended.

But defence does not necessarily mean militarisation. For Africa, the path forward cannot mirror that of nuclear-armed powers or security states. The lesson is not imitation. It is insulation.

Africa’s survival in the emerging multipolar order depends on regional cohesion, institutional density and economic interdependence. No single African state can withstand systemic pressure alone. Collectively, however, the continent possesses scale.

The African Continental Free Trade Area offers more than commerce; it offers political shielding. Regional payment systems reduce vulnerability. Strong continental financial institutions dilute external leverage.

Above all, Africa must avoid symbolic confrontations. Quiet diversification, strategic ambiguity and institutional depth provide far greater protection than rhetorical alignment.

The age of assumed neutrality has ended. Sovereignty is no longer automatic. It must be structured, protected and continuously negotiated.

The Brics debate is therefore not about gold or currency. It is about survival in an era where power is exercised without war and punishment often arrives without warning.

  • Dr Mncube is a research associate fellow at the University of Johannesburg

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